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CENSORSHIP WORKS OF CHARLES PAGE HISTORIAN AT THE MUSEUM OF THE STAY OF EXECUTION TO HIGH GRACE

By Sandro Olaza Pallero

Pag e Carlos Alberto was born in Buenos Aires and settled in the province of Cordoba early. studied at the Faculty of Architecture Catholic University of Cordoba, where he graduated in 1985. A turn holds a Ph.D. in History by School of Philosophy, History and Literature of University of Salvador. He was a fellow of Secretariat of Science and Technology National University of Córdoba and CONICET (National Council for Scientific and Technical Research), under the directions of the architects Rodolfo Gallardo, Marina Waisman and SJ Alberto de Paula. Today is Career Investigator of CONICET. Abroad was a Fellow of the Foundation Carolina, the Ministry of Culture of Spain and the international agreement between the CONICET and the CNR (Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche of Italy). He directed the graduate program "The Jesuit heritage, livelihood, identity and cultural continuity National University of Cordoba ", sponsored by UNESCO.

Dr. Arch Page issued several postgraduate courses, seminars and conferences to master various universities and local and international institutions. He was part of numerous committees such as the creation of the Museum of National University of Cordoba , member of the Commission Revitalization Areas Promoted Historical Center and the city of Cordoba, among others. In the public was director of Cultural Heritage of the Municipality of Cordoba (2000-2002) and director of the Provincial Historical Museum "Marqués de Sobremonte" (2000). He was the author of the dossier submitted to UNESCO for the declaration of World Heritage Square of University and the Jesuit Estancias of Córdoba (2000). Participated in numerous international conferences (Argentina, Paraguay, Brazil, Colombia and Spain), where among other events of this level, organizer International Congress on 400 years of Company of Jesus in Cordoba (1999), Days The Jesuit Heritage in Cordoba (2002) and X International Conference on the Jesuit Missions (2004), besides being a committee member and coordinator of academic symposia as many scientific meetings. Published over 20 books, some co-authored with Ramon Gutierrez, Marcela and Luis Tognetti Aspell. In addition to more than 200 articles in professional journals and popular in Argentina, Spain, United States, Switzerland, Bolivia, Paraguay, Italy, Brazil and Colombia. Among the early highlights, among others, the Journal de Indias, Revista Complutense American History, Hispania Sacra, and Yearbook of the Museum of America. His book

La Estancia Alta Gracia Jesuit -released in 2000 and reissued in 2004 by Editions Eudecor-is a serious and well documented work and the architect Dr. Alberto de Paula in his foreword said: "The name evokes Alta Gracia Cordoba one of the strongest roots of its identity. It is a city that emerged on the basis of a former rural settlement, nestled in the sixteenth century in a territory of the comechingones ... The network of Jesuit-Cordoba stays as Alta Gracia and others, was similar to that which existed in the Argentine cities where Company said residences, hospices, schools, universities, retreat houses, seminaries and other centers of activity ... The first edition of this book was presented in Alta Gracia on 25 May 2000. I had the honor to refer to that time to this work with Dr. Hugo Juri, who was then Rector of National University of Cordoba. See now in its second edition is a special reason for satisfaction, both for what it means to honor the history of this city and its Jesuit heritage, but also in recognition of its author. I have shared many hours of work with Charles Page, and accompanied him for many years director, in the early stages of CONICET research assistant, until his promotion to research associate, and doctorate in history at the University of Salvador, created by Company of Jesus in Buenos Aires. On the writings of architect Page is frequent, abundant and highly qualified. His intellectual capacity allows you to specify transfers of the results of their studies and research quickly and efficiently, with good impact on the social and cultural environment of Alta Gracia, Cordoba, and our country in general. "

impetuously, "says Page," but probably was due to the note published in Journal Contents (12/03/2010) on mistakes of his administration, museum director of the Jesuit Mission Monica Gorgas, an act of utter discrimination and curtailment of freedom of expression, ordered removed from the museum shop books Page, author of no less than El Camino de las Estancias and stay Alta Gracia Jesuit, among many works devoted to the Jesuits and Alta Gracia, Cordoba in particular. Recall that in the case of these two books have made two presentations at the museum with the presence of the highest national and provincial authorities then, more than 10 years. The extent of abuse who was described as "The pattern of placement" specialists in heritage-see Contents 8/8/2008- Journal [1] shall issue presented by the historian censored at the National Institute Discrimination, Xenophobia and Racism (INADI), plus the start of legal action in these cases lead to damages, economic and moral authority to abuse and other issues.

[1] Note by Susan Chambers and published in the edition of August 8, 2008 the newspaper El Tiempo of Alta Gracia (Córdoba). " The proposed construction of an annex building at the Jesuit Estancia of the city of Alta Gracia, which would go to object repository museological and restoration workshop among other uses, became the target of criticism by little more than a week have been announced. The harshest words were issued by Josefina Piana Provincial Director of Heritage, and Horacio Niemi, Doctor of Architecture, University Professor and Director of Master of Conservation and Restoration of Architectural Heritage National University of Cordoba.

"Unesco not approve "

" The first thing to say is that this project does not have approval from the National Museums and on the other hand, hardly achieved Unesco approval should not forget that this is declared World Heritage sites Humanity, which is a declaration of protection and that the Federal Government has an international commitment to meet, "said Josefina Piana to Add New Summary "There are policies that are designed from Buenos Aires, without knowing the sites. The Jesuit Mission has to maintain green space because there still can be done archaeological research as there may be oldest buildings on earth, "he said. In turn, the officer shot: "A lot of sense do not have to worry about that do not exceed the use of the breakwater or what happens to the church, and is allowed after an intervention of this kind."

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"Insert a new architecture in a place like this is a very serious problem that should be resolved with very high quality design from contemporary to be achieved all that he has the other from the history, "said Horacio Niemi daily and added:" We must be careful with the volume of which is incorporated to maintain balance, because each building has its air, its space. " In the opinion of the professor, the construction of the field in question could be underground. "It's a challenge that should be employed at a great designer, but is easier to put boxes of shoes," he joked. Niemi considered that who also should have consulted is the town of Alta Gracia, "because it is the true owner, and not act as patrons to stay, although the city it has ever been." As for dessert strawberry, said she will not consult Unesco and "that it should have, but of course, that countries do serious. Unesco not fight unless governments make a mess, "launched. But he made it that if so, could even think about withdrawing the nomination granted. Silvana Lovay, Director of Heritage of the Municipality not want to advance their views on This topic has information pending official, but said the museum as part of the Node, and should have put the project on the table for discussion. "

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DORREGO: PERFORMANCE MILITARY CIVIL INSTIGATION

Manuel Dorrego. Juan Lavalle.

For Mr. Paul A. Vázquez

Navarro. Province of Buenos Aires Estancia Juan Almeyra. Gen. Juan Lavalle said Governor Manuel Dorrego, who was deposed by him in one hour would be executed. The firing squad prepares ...

On December 13, 1828 a life spent in minutes for your mind. As revolutionary ideals promoted in Chile and realistic attempts thwarted in Santiago, granting the medal: "Chile to its first defender." Their incorporation into the Northern Army. Their struggles in Sausana, Suipacha and Nazareth, where a shooting left him hoarse for ever ... His tenacity that drove the victories Tucuman and Salta, where General Manuel Belgrano was ordered: "Proceed with the hunters and take forward their enemies."

sparkling humor and also his sharp sarcasm that caused more problems. With Juan Martín de Pueyrredón general, for example, denounced by his silent complicity with the Brazilian invasion the Banda Oriental, and did not remember in any battle. That earned him his exile in the United States, which helped him to immerse themselves in the federal principles but adapted to national circumstances.

Also, in 1820 he was appointed governor of the province of Buenos Aires, but 7 years later it will be by popular vote, and when in 1823 he began his legislative career. His encounter the Liberator Simon Bolivar to join forces in Latin.

José María Rosa stated: "On September 25, 1826 at the Congress is Article 6 of the draft constitution prepared by the majority. In its 6 th paragraph is removed the voting rights at the "home for pay, laborer, soldier, tried in a criminal case that can be afflictive or infamous punishment." (...) Asked Manuel Dorrego word (...) and the finger of blame directed at the majority (said): If you exclude day laborers, domestic workers; who would? Would be a small number of merchants and capitalists. Here are the aristocracy of money, and if so in turn could be the fate of the country and market ... then yes it would be easier to influence the elections because it is easier to influence the generality of the mass, but if it is in a small portion of capitalists. And in that case ... let's be clear: that the elections will form the Bank. "

With allegation that sealed his commitment to workers and generated the enmity of the organic intellectuals of Unitarianism, and Valentín Gómez, Salvador Maria del Carril, Juan Cruz and Florencio Varela. His pen met them at The Tribune from 11 October this year until August 7, 1827.

assumed to day the government of Buenos Aires, Rivadavia after he "threw" the government. Deletes cam extends the frontier, signing peace with Brazil, he founded the Military Academy and several schools, sanitation, currency, freedom of the press organizes ...

A coup in the hands of the deposed Lavalle. Rail insist Varela and Lavalle, "a sword without a head" to kill him. "Cut the head of the Hydra ." Dorrego accepted his fate, wrote letters to his family and friends. As Governor Estanislao López de Santa Fe, saying: "At this moment Urging me to die in an hour. I do not know the cause of my death, but anyway I forgive my persecutors. You cease all preparations for my part, and that my death does not lead to bloodshed. "

Dorrego's life went out ... Well I wrote Fred O 'Donnell "in Navarro began a tradition of coups and political violence that continues to this day, carried out mainly against those who have or may have popular support, he makes them real or potential enemies power shift. "

The first colonel of the people was a stubborn patriot, soldier of independence journalist and activist in the American cause. His memory is alive today if there is outrage at the injustices and the national passion.

- Bardini, Roberto, Manuel Dorrego : He was an apostle, lived as a hero and died a martyr at: http://bambupress.wordpress.com/2009/12/ 10/dorrego-fue-apostol-vivio-como-heroe-y-murio-como-martir /

- Brienz, Daniel, The crazy Dorrego, the latest revolutionary , Bs As, Marea, 2007 .

- DENOVI, Oscar Cause Dorrego's murder at: http://www.pensamientonacional.com.ar/contenedor.php?idpg =% 2Fdenovi% 2F0014_la_causa_del_asesinato_de_dorrego.html

- Dorrego, Manuel, Osvaldo Guglielmino Introduction), Civilization and Barbarism , Bs As, Castañeda, 1980.

- O 'DONNELL, Pacho, damn heroes, the history of Argentina that did not tell us , Bs As, Sudamericana, 2004.

- PINC, Martin, (pseudonym of José María Rosa), Dorrego against the oligarchy, Bs As, The Press, Second Section, December 16, 1951.

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ECOS HEREIN, MID-NINETEENTH CENTURY

By Dr. Oscar JC Denovi

Following the tribute paid to the Vuelta de Obligado 20 / 11/2010, Article of the playwright, historian and writer Pacho O'Donnell, "An epic long hidden" and the historian and researcher at the CONICET Luis Alberto Romero that he opposed the first article "Turning defeat into victory" , published in the journal The Nation November 18, there have been contributions that enrich the debate initiated by previous historians. On December 6, third in the controversial British historian David Rock, with his article "The other Vuelta de Obligado" in the newspaper La Nacion on that day. Rock enlisted in the liberal mainstream of the history of Argentina, which specializes in the political history of our country, says in the first sections that the decade following 1840, is named in his country, "the hungry forties" ... causing "internal economic pressures that provoke various imperialist adventures abroad, among others, the infamous opium wars against the Chinese empire and intervention of 1845 in the Río de la Plata. "Important historical recognition that, on an act which in the past, when it recognized the intervention, came to say that the intervening powers did so for humanitarian reasons against the supposed tyranny of Juan Manuel de Rosas. According to the English author, his country took part in the Rio de la Plata in 1845, in an imperialist adventure. It is not new for us nationalists, it is for liberals who supported the more unusual versions of the facts of the War of 1845-1846 Paraná.
To Rock, the Battle of Vuelta de Obligado was an almost forgotten event in France and England and compute in this view, a balance of European losses of 25, versus "possibly up to a thousand Argentine" and adds, "the battle reminiscent of typical imperialist episodes in India and Africa, where for every person killed died fifty European natives. " First this was not true, our losses were just over six hundred dead, and the ranks of the enemy body count reached 150 dead and wounded. But this argument served to Rock for denying the epic that O'Donnell gave battle, and states that such a rating could fall, according to the British assessment, at an event "as the first half hour of the battle of the Somme, 1 July 1916, in which during that period fell sixty thousand troops against English German machine guns. "
At this point the English author escapes the context of the history of warfare in Argentina. Never occurred in our nation war events on the scale of those that occurred in Europe or in Asia or North America or Africa. This includes everything from the British invasion of 1806, until the Falklands war in 1982, through the war of independence, civil wars, the largest land battle in Argentina, Caseros, with over twenty thousand men apiece, and the War of the Triple Alliance and the intervention Argentina in the Paraguayan War - Bolivian, and the struggle of the Chilean army against the Indians in 1878. The confrontation of forces at that point the river Paraná, Vuelta de Obligado, was an epic, as the disparity of technical means - guns firing explosive striated with a projectile weight that reached up to 80 pounds (approximately 40 Kg) against guns cast iron ball shot, of at most 12 kgs, and more than 120 guns against just 40, made an overwhelming difference in fire, despite the struggle which lasted over nine hours. (1)
As in the two faces of Janus, a professor at the University of California, intends to see the other side of the battle, and among other arguments - colonial confrontation with countless casualties of the "natives" and just a few of the inspectors - the imperialist slaughter of African or Asian style - uses the defeat of Argentina. Undeniably, it could not impede the progress of the fleet up the river, the disparity in strength in technical resources caused a great loss of men in the Argentine forces face a significantly lower number of European crews. But Bound was the first chapter of what happened next. It was a piece in the puzzle, whose total armed, war of Paraná, showed the result of peace agreements and Arana Arana-Southern-Le Predour, for which both England and France recognized the inner nature of Argentina's Paraná River, amends the National flag with 21 guns, and pledged to return the captured ships and repair damaged facilities in acts of war, which they did, England in 1848 and France in 1849.
From the point of view of this overall view of that historic event, Bound was the first major action of that war, followed by smaller stocks and great as the first, (these were Cooper, Acevedo, San Lorenzo, and final battle of the Quebracho Angostura, in all prolonged exchanges of artillery, which in the last battle, was clearly a victory for Argentina in which the fleet took heavy punishment and 7 merchant ships were burned and sunk.) These facts were recognized by the official reports of the fleet chief Admiral Anglo French.
is curious as a historian, professor in the United States in a hierarchy University of California, unaware of data showing that the race will undoubtedly disadvantageous to Argentina, however it was not completely in the ground war, and this was forcing it to start the diplomatic negotiations that led to peace. To the above is also the risk faced by the fleet from falling into the hands of the troops that operated against entrerrianas correntinas the orders of General Peace, who were allied of the controllers. The War of the Paraná, was actually an aspect of something larger than was the war of conservation of Argentina's sovereignty over the territory of the Argentine coast.
On the basis of his argument that disregards the data documented in this story, a way to bolster their anti-nationalist position knowingly, Rock notes that none of the authors that led to his speech - (the relief requested by the liberal?) - Is refer to the background of the inspectors in 1845. The French were actually concentrated in Montevideo. But Rock is not saying that their presence was because in October 1837 with the help of the French fleet unexpectedly present in the River de la Plata, Uruguay's government of Oribe was forced to leave in the hands of Bank Fructuoso the government of his country. Fructuoso Rivera had allied with the unit that Lavalle opposed the Argentine government and plotting his overthrow. At the same time, the French supported the expansive plans Mariscal Santa Cruz, president of the Confederation of Peruvian - Bolivian Confederation war with Argentina. The French money would allow for long years the armies operating unit against the Confederacy, and would support the Uruguayan government in Montevideo during the siege of this city, between 1842 and 1851, when the Great Army, Oribe Urquiza to capitulate.
This intervention on issues of Uruguay, and the alliance with the unit, led to the conflict remained with France in 1838 and completed in October 1840 with the peace treaty between Spain and France, known as a convention Arana - Mackau that date . This convention was signed by Marshal COULD intervention, who in early 1839 took over the section of the Foreign Ministry of France, that understood the conflict with Argentina. He was committed to early 1839, the transfer of six thousand foot French to intervene in fighting between unitary and federal. Marshal Soult warning the deceptions of the French agents to his government, and the lies of the unit and the Uruguayan allied to these, prevented the interventionist adventure. Since then, the French presence was steady against the Argentine government. Samuel Lafon, who profited from the revenue of Customs of Montevideo, ceded to their benefit by the government of Montevideo, the only stronghold unit in the territory east of the River Plate since 1842, was an important piece of business to confront the government lifted Argentina.
is true that in the posterior development of Argentine foreign trade England was a major actor. But the blonde Albion was an important player in world trade, Argentina could not escape the phenomenon of globalization of trade without getting out of the economic and financial rotation that dominated the world he belonged. In short, had defended its sovereignty with the dignity with which pretend to do today and tomorrow, whose symbol is the Vuelta de Obligado.


(1) Parts of general officers Lucio N. Mansilla, Rear Admiral Inglefield to the Admiralty and other reports, published in London and reproduced by the Gazeta Mercantil on May 30, 1846.

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CHRONICLE OF THE TIME OF ROSES DRUM Tacuarí

FIRST GOVERNMENT OF ROSES

December 6, 1829: The legislature of Buenos Aires, in a climate of lawlessness and internal military occupation by an army unit, elected Governor Juan Manuel de Rosas in Buenos Aires, giving Powers (legislative powers. could issue decree-laws).
January 4, 1831: Federal Pact Signing first constitutional agreement signed by all provinces which causes the Confederation Argentina.
February 2, 1831: Parliament in the Chacarita the College with the Principal Chiefs of the Province of Buenos Aires. First implementation of the smallpox vaccine.
February 3, 1831: Quiroga campaign against the army unit.
November 4, 1831: Quiroga Lamadrid beat the Citadel (Tucumán) ending unit military resistance.
May 16, 1832: The Royal Society of London Jennesiana Rosas honored as an honorary member of the same for services rendered to humanity by the introduction of smallpox vaccine in the Indian world.
December 6, 1832: concludes the first government of Rosas and the Legislature re-elected three times Rosas rejects the three offers.

Desert Expedition

March 22, 1833: Rosas started from San Miguel del Monte, without government support, the expedition to the south.
April 3, 1833: issue is incorporated Catriel pampas chiefs, Cachul, Llanquellen, caciquillos, Nicasio, Antuan over three hundred Indian warriors.
May 1, 1833: The expedition reaches Fortress Protective Argentina (now Delhi).
May 10, 1833: The expedition reaches the Colorado River and established his headquarters in Redondo Medano on the banks of this river. Sent several divisions to beat especially in Choele Chocori Pehuenche-Choel. Are treated with Tehuelche Valcheta and vorogas of Guaminí. It takes the "path of the Chileans," avoiding the cattle rustling cattle to Chile. Released more than three thousand people, mostly women living in captivity.
March 25, 1834: Rosas leave the troops in Bahía Blanca (Napostá).

Impact of Desert Expedition:

· It gained immense tracts of land that joined the production.
· We recognized their own spaces to different indigenous communities, grasslands, and tehuelches vorogas.
· We held 'the Chilean way of' avoiding finance cattle rustling to Chile.
· We released over 3,000 prisoners, mostly women who were returned to their families.
· It undermined the big raids and established conditions for peace in rural areas.
· It is founded or consolidated with the assistance of the Indians themselves forts that will future cities in the provinces of Buenos Aires and Rio Black.
· We introduced the smallpox vaccine in many Aboriginal groups.
. Consolidated national sovereignty, reaffirming the territorial rights in Argentina.




SECOND GOVERNMENT OF ROSES

March 7, 1835: The Board of Representatives (the legislature) appointed Rosas for the second time as Governor of the Province of Buenos Aires and Commissioner for External Relations, with the sum of public power (Adding to the power of legislative competence to create special courts for exceptional cases. Example: court which tried the murderers of Facundo Quiroga).
March 16, 1835: Rosas requests the Board to convene the people for their vote to rule on the powers that be will want to confer.
26, 27 and March 28, 1835: Plebiscite . The Board of Representatives calls for the inhabitants of Buenos Aires so that through a plebiscite to rule on the amount of power that he wants to bestow. The figures cast 9,713 votes for and only 7 were negative.

Economics:

November 18, 1835: Punishment of the Customs Act. Objectives: Creole defense manufacturing and delivery of agricultural wealth.
May 10, 1836: Enactment of the Agrarian Law. End of the lease Rivadavia and effective colonization of land by small and medium landowners.
May 30, 1836: Dissolution of the National Bank and creation of the Casa de la Moneda, home of the Banco de la Provincia de Buenos Aires.

Cultural Aspects:

June 25, 1837: Inauguration Literary Hall with speeches from Mark Taylor, John B. And John M. Alberdi Gutiérrez.
November 15, 1837: is Launched "La Moda", Gazette music, poetry and fashion written by John B. Alberdi.
May 24, 1838: Opening of the Teatro "From Victoria, room 500 locations.
May 16, 1840: The government of Buenos Aires provides for the prohibition of the slave trade.
1842: College opens its doors Federal Republican.
1843: daguerreotype is introduced in Buenos Aires.
October 18, 1844: opens another theater called "good order." Room 300 seats. You can open up other major theaters and circuses large operation with stable amphitheaters such as the "Park Argentino" and "Garden Florida ', "Retreat" and the "Low."

Political Aspects:

Implementation of the murderers of Quiroga

October 9, 1836: After trial, Quiroga's murderers are sentenced to capital punishment to be met at the Plaza Fort on October 26, 1836.

French Aggression 1838-1840

March 28, 1838: French Blockade Argentina Confederation.
A manager of the French Consulate restraining make claims without having to do personaría diplomatic hierarchy. Denied representation, an admiral at the head of a French fleet down the block to the Rio de la Plata.
April 3, 1838: Rosas rejects and denounces international blockade colonialist aggression.
August 5, 1838: First letter San Martín Rosas, adhering to the defense of sovereignty.

or external actions to overthrow Rosas Inteman:

April to July 1839: Lock and French ships to attack targets on the Argentine coast. French landing project. Lavalle invasion led by the French fleet from Uruguay.
June 8, 1839: Buchet de Martigny, diplomat French, presents the sum of 100,000 patacones the exiles unit to finance the issuance of Lavalle and overthrow Rosas.
June 28, 1839: Lt. Col. Ramon Maza, who is in combination with the invasion of Lavalle, is caught in the conspiracy and executed, Federal exalted meeting an action group called the "Ear" kill the father of Colonel Mace.
October 29, 1839: The farmers of the south, believing imminent French aid and Lavalle, rise against Rosas.
November 7, 1839: Prudencio Ortiz de Rozas y Nicolás Granada suppress the uprising of the ranchers. Many escape in French boats stationed at the mouth of the Tu-yu and the Rio Salado.
September 6, 1840: Lavalle, without the support of the campaign and the interior provinces, resolved to withdraw to the north and is finally defeated at the Battle of Famaillá (Tucumán) in September 1842 by the army Vanguardia Argentina Confederation, led by Manuel Oribe East.
October 29, 1840: France lift the embargo and accept the conditions imposed by Rosas, Arana-signing the treaty Mackau. Diplomatic triumph of the Confederation of Argentina.
September 27, 1841: Dr. Francisco Gavin Muñiz manufactured at the Villa Lujan smallpox vaccine.
December 29, 1841: Signed an agreement Fructuoso Rivera and mutual help Bento Goncalves. Between the eastern and Rio Grande do Sul encourage a project of "Federation of Uruguay" to be composed of Rio Grande, Uruguay, Entre Rios and Corrientes.
March 10, 1842: Manuel Moreno London presents a well-founded claim and affirmation of our sovereignty in the Falklands.
February 16, 1843: Oribe, legal president of Uruguay in front of the Army of the Confederacy Vanguardia Argentina, laid siege to Montevideo.
August 11, 1843: Florencio Varela is designated Eastern government and exiles in Montevideo unit to travel to Europe and manage the armed intervention of England and France to overthrow Rosas.
January 23, 1844: San Martín wrote his will bequeathed his sword to Juan Manuel de Rosas.

puts Anglo-French fleet blocking the Argentine coast. Simultaneously, a pirate named Garibaldi Italian coastal looting and burning.

Objectives of the Anglo-French intervention

ensure the independence of the Banda Oriental and Paraguay. Internationalizing
waterways Plata Basin for free trade of European manufactures. Wean
Entre Rios and Corrientes.

November 1, 1845: The Anglo-French squad enters the river Paraná.
November 20, 1845: At 8 hours the battle begins in the Vuelta de Obligado (near San Pedro, Province of Buenos Aires).
At 16 hours the last battery Argentina (there were four) fired the latest salvo. After clashes with Corps landing at 20 hours and no answer Obligado.
January 11, 1846: San Martín, in another letter to Rosas, he expresses his confidence in the ultimate triumph.
June 4, 1846: Returning the fleet Anglo-French and merchant ships were attacked in different places in a persistent and, at one point called the Paraná River Quebracho, they receive an attack that produced serious casualties.
August 26, 1846: Foreign ships returning to Montevideo gamblers convinced of economic failure and military invasion.
1847-1848: Rosas not accept the proposals of the various diplomatic negotiators to arrive at the Río de la Plata.
November 24, 1849: The British ambassador Southern finally accepts the conditions of Rosas and signed peace with Britain. Argentina's sovereignty has triumphed.
May 6 1850: Last letter José de San Martín Rosas in which he states: "As an Argentine, fills me with great pride in seeing the prosperity, inner peace, order and honor restored to our beloved country, and all these developments made under circumstances so difficult that few states have found. For many goods made me sincerely congratulate you and to all the Confederación Argentina. Let you enjoy full health and at the end of his public life is just filled with the recognition of all Argentine, are the votes he does and will always for you, that his passionate friend and compatriot. QBSM José de San Martín. "
August 31, 1850: French Ambassador LePredour accepts the conditions of Roses and Peace was signed with France. Argentina's sovereignty has been strengthened.
September 30, 1850: rupture of relations with Brazil Brazil to constant invasions of Banda Oriental.
May 1, 1851 pronounce Urquiza, removing the charge of external relations Rosas.
May 29, 1851: Urquiza signed the first union pact with Brazil.
November 21, 1851: Urquiza signing the second treaty of alliance with Brazil.

February 3, 1852: Battle of Caseros . The army of the Confederacy composed of 22,000 troops led by Argentine Rosas is defeated by the army led by Urquiza, composed of 28,000 personnel, from Corrientes, Entre Rios, Uruguayan, Brazilian and German mercenaries recruited in Europe.

SOCIOECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE TIMES OF ROSES 1830-1852

· It incorporates the steam engine in the economic and industrial activity.
· Installation of the first hydraulic presses.
· Implementation of the first artesian wells. • Development
important traditional and industrial character, soap factories, candy, ceramics, shipyards, foundries, wine, sugar, woodwork, textiles.
· Full occupation.
· High wages and good living.
· Incorporation of the fence.
• Introduction of fine wheat seed "Barletta."
• Introduction of merino sheep and the first bull durham.

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Mr. Antonio Testa vice president of Paraguay with Dr. Franco Gomez, Colonel. Elbio Flores Servin and Mrs. Down Mr. Testa with Paraguayan Vice President and Governor Colombi.

On October 15, 2010 in the city of Corrientes, within the work being done by the Historical Research Group Our Lady of Mercy dependent on this National Institute, its president, Mr. Antonio Testa next to Vice President of Paraguay, Dr. Luis Federico Franco Gomez and Corrientes president Dr. Ricardo Colombi , left sitting firmly committed to work together for the development of Argentina, Paraguay, signing various instruments that ensure progress towards the twinning process as desired. Among the deals stands a tribute to the courage of children Pedro Rios, "Tamborcito" of Tacuarí, who will dedicate a monument at the site of the historic battle of Tacuarí, in Carmen de Paraná (Paraguay). 9.15 At the time, visitors escorted by the provincial authorities made their entrance to Government House where they were received by the Honor Guard Corps Correntinos Hunters, the fanfares are executed by the Band of Music Police Corrientes. Then went to the official release of the Government Palace, where they shook in the embrace of brotherhood with the governor of Corrientes and local authorities who took part in the reception committee, and under which there was no shortage, as is style, exchange of presents, as a sign of integration and cooperation. Also present at this ceremony the former military attache at the Embassy of Paraguay, Colonel Elbio Flores Servin.

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AL "PROFESSIONAL HISTORIAN" LUIS ALBERTO ROMERO

Ernesto Palacio, one of the best examples of historical revisionism.

Al "professional historian" Luis Alberto Romero
of "an amateur writer, Oscar Juan Carlos Denovi Secretary General of the National Institute of Historical Research Juan Manuel de Rosas *

* Dr. Oscar JC Response to the article of Prof. Denovi Luis Alberto Romero published in The Nation on November 18 2010.

As usual

historians call supporters to the official story began their admonitions with a subtly derogatory language, in which condition the reader is not informed enough. In this case, once again, it says in the article "Turning defeat into victory," the newspaper La Nación of the Nov. 18 edition: "... Roses troops tried in vain to block access to the British fleet by this river. "It must be said, Mr. Luis Alberto Romero, because he is the author, the Argentine troops, and it was unnecessarily as we shall see later. Next, it continues its onslaught dismissive, calling to sustain those positions opposed to the liberal version and sometimes false or mutilated, "writers," who assume the task of "breaking the patch and arouse feelings of nationalism and imagined deeply ingrained in our society. "Thanks, we knew, but also flatters us.
Next, it denies that the official story was hidden the Battle of Vuelta de Obligado. Say about it, first, that when I talk about it, it was called combat, reducing their importance in that way, because between two concepts, half a difference significant scale. For the elements committed by both sides, even with the significant reduction technique provided by the Argentines, it was a real battle who speaks own casualties, the damage to Anglo-French fleet that had to stay 40 days Obligado repairing damages, and the military view of the time, including the General San Martín.
Undoubtedly, we must refer to past times of immediate and mediate, about hiding in Argentina's history of this event. In the nineteenth century writings, was not at all, but then in the twentieth century, almost disappeared from the books, especially those of primary school text - mention of the events - and for secondary education. I can attest to this, because I completed my primary and secondary education between 1945 and 1960. One of the authors mentioned by Romero, as proof that the Vuelta de Obligado was cited in the books of the past, José Luis Busa, author ranged from his liberal position, after being informed by revisionist writings published since 1939 by the Institute Historical Research Juan Manuel de Rosas, and other like-minded entities, settled in Santa Fe But Busaniche publications met late in the sixties. The other author mentioned, was Ernesto Palacio, the same can be said of him, since their work was also published and disseminated throughout the sixties. As Ferns and Lynch, its spread was back yet. So that generations of parents outside the reading of history, even in significant proportion gravitates, the history taught in primary and secondary education. Testimony of this is the incredible ignorance of our youth in many aspects, which highlights the Argentine past ..
Later, back on the outcome of the race at that place to be, to remember that it was a defeat. But it happens that the action to which it relates and we now refer, was the first of others that followed the war were the Paraná, undeclared war - by the controllers - but war ends, months later, in the Narrows Quebracho (04/06/1846) with a win partial victory, but victory in the end, because in that battle, another one in the statistics of the forgotten, for various reasons, stopped the fight. More wine in the diplomatic negotiations, where "Cazurra and stubborn" Rosas diplomacy, managed to both powers not only recognized the River Paraná and the Argentine interior, but had to salute the national flag with 21 guns per requirement now if Rosas. (In the negotiations, speaking the jurist Felipe Arana, Minister of Foreign Affairs).
In a bang worthy of a theatrical scene, Romero then refers the success of the military forces of Roses ", not the Argentine, reiterating the old trick already used, which served to distract the reader not warned, and continues to serve still, though not as effectively. Then, according to Romero, Parlmeston Alberda replaced in 1846, and as the second was the advocate of force, while it was Parlmeston negotiation, triumphed among the theory of negotiation. So we had peace and victory, not by merit, but others.
Far from it, what happened was that the war had been won in 1846. Not only for the victory in the Narrows Quebracho where our forces torched 7 merchant fleet, caused extensive damage to the warships and merchant, and many casualties for the crews, but for the height of the coastal cliffs of this part of the Paraná, one's own forces were , 4 dead and only a handful of wounded. It was not the only factor, until a few days before June 4, the boats were sheltering in Corrientes, but the failure of the commercial operation that had led the operation "liberation" of our rivers, was no longer attractive, but also , entrerrianas troops from the armies of Governor Urquiza, adding victories came and threatened Corrientes grab, which they achieved a few months later. Not only had no money but safety for ships from Europe. San Martin had been asked months ago and from Naples had responded in a note that was first published in a British newspaper, and then one French. This is not the plot of a Hawk, against holding doves. Whole story is that Mr. Romero should know, since it has the trappings of a researcher at the CONICET. It is then, returning to the controversy surrounding the article published on 18 November, to honor what initially began to win on Nov. 20 despite the defeat of that day, and continued earning on January 16, 1846 in San Lorenzo, in the countless battles with flying artillery delivered within the first month of that year, after this, until the Battle of Angostura, and the subsequent fighting until the initiation of negotiations. An operation on a larger scale, had been dismissed in 1838 by France, and it was then because of its high cost and uncertain results, as San Martín had appreciated in your letter of Naples, therefore, welcome the celebration of victory war and diplomacy, in both fields Argentina won the Confederation.
Later in his article wonders if the action was "national" and, in quotation marks. A Romero seems doubtful. First let us note that the revisionists, we think everything national is best for the nation in spiritual and material. Here we have developed a culture that has values \u200b\u200band disvalues. We seek to promote the values \u200b\u200band correct their opposites. Certainly this is a difficult task, but among other things, we are revisionists because it is part of that task. Then do not deny that what makes the "national" is long, so we reject the idea that the national born in 1810. Rather, we think that the spirit of nationalism takes the form of metal smelting in a crucible. Each one contributes his own to the common ground, but not individually, but that takes as its own what others contributed with their input. This has built our culture and nothing says that this can and must change. The idea of \u200b\u200bvolgeist that we revisionists Romero said, is an idea that a bunch of versions of that share. But he is wrong once again attribute to a fixation on the idea of \u200b\u200bspirit and realization of the national. The "Creole" is a mixture of Hispanic ethnic groups, indigenous and Mediterranean, with other languages \u200b\u200bof the same origin, with a mentality that began to form when Europeans explorers cut ties with the old world, and intertwined with the Americans, began see the world from here. According
the author said later, in 1845 the Argentine government was under construction. This is true, in January 1831 by the Federal Pact was the kickoff for the formation of the State, after twenty years of frustration. By the Pact, Argentina Confederation was formed, which adhered to all provinces. The nation had declared within the period of almost two years from 1831, and then was refined what had been improvised or imperfect. Rosas said the unity of the provinces, as Sarmiento said, his chief critic. And here we find another cheap shot by Mr. Romero, "... it is certain that Rosas and preventing blocking Paraná the free navigation of rivers, said the interests of Buenos Aires, a province, it is good to remember, until 1862 wavered between integrating the new state or form an autonomous state. "First of all, free navigation of rivers, was for foreign vessels, as the Argentines possessed of that freedom, second, who segregated the province of Buenos Aires and held that position until 1862, were the enemies of Rosas, which lasted until 1880 and unleashed a fierce fight to prevent capitalization of the city of Buenos Aires.
To end this response has abounded in working to dismantle the arguments of Mr. Romero, apt to confuse reader who does not know history, the writers say neorrevisionistas-author of the article in La Nación confesses historians call costs you do not feel concerned by the allegations that Mr. Romero wins us. Rather, it is a badge of honor that distinguishes us.

How High Do You Hang Holdbacks For Curtains?

TOUR OF BOUND AND

federal artillery. Fermín Chávez.

By Dr. Francisco José Pestanha

The most remarkable thinker entrerriano Fermín Chávez learned to perceive in the battle of the Vuelta de Obligado "a true milestone in our national self-assertion.

For those who do not remember, the conflagration was one of the most important of independence epic, Argentina, and took place on November 20, 1845 in a bend of the Parana River just 20 miles from the town of San Pedro, Province Buenos Aires. Staged the race for one side the Confederate troops at that time Argentina led by Don Juan Manuel de Rosas, and the other, consisting of the Entente Cordiale, an alliance between England and France, two of the most advantaged of the powers time.

The confrontation lasted for a period of about 9 hours, making the enemy troops drilling large lines crossing the river channels. Many historians agree that the hosts in command of Lucius N. Mansilla professed insight and heroism worthy of stress, and that the military strategy adopted by the restaurant was brilliant.

Damage to the "entente" in bonds, and thereafter at Cooper, San Lorenzo and Punta Quebracho, forced the enemy to desist from an "intervention in the Rio de la Plata" that although it was aimed (though covertly) to ensure its own commercial interests, hiding any intention to act "from in "to wean the Mesopotamia.

José de San Martín

from exile and a few realized the strategic importance of this event at some time saying: "I knew Forced action, that evil! Anyway, the auditors have seen this échantillon that Argentines are not pies to be eaten without further work to open your mouth. " The deliverer to his death in recognition of these and other actions, by testamentary disposition bequeath Rosas saber with which fought for independence.

The affirmation is a psychological mechanism by which reinforce their own ideas, powers, strengths and abilities. Collective face, is a device of social cohesion by which we recognize positively as part of an interlaced with solidarity. Self-assertion is ultimately self-assessment device. Forced

in particular, but in particular the rejection of a blockade imposed by two colonial powers, is an event that clearly speaks of an underlying collective capacity, and the Executive Branch understands its magnitude, just happy to declare November 20 as a national holiday. We long for this festival is a space for reflection on certain potentialities that actually possess, but for some reason strange, we usually exercise once in a while.

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national self WHY THE NOVEMBER 20 IS THE DAY SOVEREIGNTY?

Florencio Varela. Juan Manuel de Rosas

By José María Rosa

On January 13, 1845 in Paris, snowy night as the testimony of one of these, François Guizot, Prime Minister of Louis Philippe, King of the French, meets for dinner at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Plata technicians who were in the French capital.

agape emerge from that Anglo-French military intervention, and possible Brazilian cooperation in matters internal South American republics.

They attend the British ambassador Lord Cowley, Sir George Ouseley, who was leaving the Silver Rose leading the summons to Mr. De Lurde hitherto French charge d'affaires in Buenos Aires, Admiral Mackau, Minister of Marine, and I met Rosas in 1840 when peace was to take instructions from Thiers, Mr. Drain director general of the Ministry, and the Vicomte de Abrantes in Brazil's special mission to dock with the proposed expedition.

Background to the intervention since 1842 were you in that business. France had failed in its attempt to impose by force of their guns and their money " sowed civil war "to the Confederation of Argentina ruled by a man of strong character Rose.

In 1842 the policy of the "entente cordiale" of England and France revived the possibility of a new intervention, this time combined military forces of both nations was not acceptable for small countries that emerged from the English heritage could act as if States were in full use of its sovereignty and refused to receive the benefits "free trade, international tutelage, freedom of navigable rivers" of "trading nations."

had to be done first, the city of Montevideo a trading, Anglo-French common property, where Plata basin master then set the law of the sea "that is, free passage" to the Argentine interior rivers, and finally divided into fragments over the Argentina Confederation Rosas had insisted on keeping unscathed from the wreck of the oldest and largest Plata viceroyalty.

Hence the joint note that English and French ministers in Buenos Aires (Mandeville and De Purden) had happened to Rose just produced the battle of Arroyo Grande. December 1842: Oribe prohibited help to regain their Eastern government and threatened to take subsequent action if the Argentine soldiers crossed Uruguay in connection with the Orientals to expel the foreign legions kept Montevideo.

But Rose was deaf to the threats: more or less said that things only sent Argentina and the Argentine Eastern and Oriental. Consistent with its response, the allied army of Oribe, crossed the Uruguay, and in February 1843 began the siege of Montevideo, defended by the foreign legion and the British Admiral Purvis.

In February 1843 we were waiting for joint action now threatened by the note Lurde Mandeville and De Rosas had dared to challenge. But it never came. Is that 1843 was not an auspicious year for the entente cordiale, threatened to break over the issue of the marriage of the young queen of Spain.

The mission of Argentina Florencio Varela Hence the miserable failure of Argentine lawyer Florencio Varela, sent to London in August 1843 by the government of Montevideo Defense indication of British Admiral Purvis.

took instructions Aberdeen convince the chancellor that the "cause of humanity" demanded the immediate presence of the British fleet in the Plata.

also would manage the "permanent guardianship" English in order to save the silver in front of native barbarism. Protection intervention and paid "the instructions said" with absolute freedom of trade and free navigation of rivers.

To better fulfill its mission and document the "cause of civilization", the English house in Montevideo Lafone drew up a record of acts of barbarism that suited attributed to Rosas.

Argentine journalist José Rivera Indarte, showers for those duties, he was commissioned to write the record so that bulky impress in Europe: he was paid a penny a body attached to Rosas.

blood To draft boards, printing problems that would not be ready to embark upon Varela, but he would come to London at the end of its mission.
Aberdeen received
Varela. The deal was expected from the Argentine. However blood translate tables, the English did not seem excited about the horrors Indarte collected by Rivera, nor taken seriously "permanent guardianship" or anything that offered the former Argentine.

answer you coldly that Britain will defend the "cause of humanity" where and how they saw fit, without need of promoters or inducements, and did not care a farthing what they could offer the native auxiliaries.

England would do and what he would have agreed, without further agreement "with the major trading nations" associated with the company.

Varela does not understand, never understand anything about politics American or European. He does not understand the contempt for "the government" so favorable to England, or that they would ignore their tempting offers, never was aware of their position or sense of distances. Vase

Europe after a tour of Paris, where they were most successful blood Tables "mohino and disappointed of the" civilizing powers. " "England" he wrote in his travel diary "knows neither its own interests."

Guizot
Dinner In 1844 things improved and the 'entente cordiale' could resume. More warning Brazil that the government misled Montevideo then sends the commissioner: the Vicomte de Abrantes. Aberdeen

receives it better than Varela; the end of the day Brazil was an empire and not a government composed of eight blocks rated low, maintained by force of subsidies and legions.

But England does not want the participation of Brazil in the company to be in La Plata, was not expedient to strengthen the American empire or give input to the Plate. Abrantes represented

As an emperor could not pushed him off, as it did with Varela, will make it more diplomatically, but it will. After talking with

Abrantes in London (which has also come to speak "of the cause of civilization" English heard the nonsense "that the existence of slavery in Brazil was greater shame that all the horrors attributed to Rose by his enemies, ships it to Paris. There

ultimately fix the intervention and the possible participation of Brazil.

But this is dinner in the ministry of Guizot evening of 13 January 1845. Very French to discuss the action on the desktop. And to serve coffee and cognac, Guizot opens the debate on the question "What purpose and what means to give the speech? Abrantes not encouraged to apply "the cause of civilization" after what happened with Aberdeen.

Tables of blood could be useful to impress the public, but obviously no real impact on policymakers.

However, all are ostensibly advocates of the "cause of civilization", but adding the "needs of the commercial nations", the "independence of Uruguay, Paraguay and Entre Rios" had to preserve the Confederacy Argentina, and "free navigation of the rivers" Argentine eastern Paraguay and Entre Rios.

As Rosas ... Mackau, who has known in 1840 makes his praise: it is an incorruptible patriot, a skilled politician, a ruler of great energy and a very dear man for theirs.

course, is an obstacle to the intervention plans and bring forward cost, even against the combined fleets could do nothing.

of Lourdes, also he was known in Buenos Aires, breaks out in praise for Rose, his government has imposed the order which prevailed before the disorder, perhaps the Argentines had been accustomed to obey authority and could be replaced by another more friendly ruler of Europeans, but the point is that Rose would not yield to armed intervention "would take refuge in the plain and thence hostilizaría to ports."

He felt that the intervention will be to complete failure; best to leave well enough alone and treated as equals Roses "sacándole possible commercial benefits." Abrantes

agrees in part with De Lourdes. But do not believe that the intervention would be a complete failure. Combined Britain, France and Brazil, its force would be irresistible to Rosas could be pursued to the bottom of the pampa. But, yes, should use all means to get the win.

If no effective means are used (sea expedition and landing forces in overwhelming numbers), the better to forget about an intervention and "no exposure to the irritation of a man and Roses."
Ouseley
brings you word of English. Nothing landing expeditions that had failed twice in Buenos Aires (1806 and 1807).

What was sought was something else, for which the Argentine president had no strength to resist: a large naval expedition to lift the siege of Montevideo, took possession of the rivers, and manage and maintain the independence of Uruguay, Entre Ríos and Paraguay.

In Montevideo there would be a factory for large trading nations, the national agreement between the commercial and Brazil, would set the limits of the new states of the Plata. Buenos

trade agreements, partnership and browsing the join the trading nations. Abrantes

disconcerting to the repetition of "trading nations" which would seem to exclude Brazil, and asked what would be the Empire's participation in the company. "The Brazilian army operate concluding with Oribe ground." Abrantes

protest, because that would "receive only the Roses animosity, as the forces of Rosas is manifest by land, whether the three allies were involved in common, common also should be used."

Cowley short: England will not send ground shipments. Mackau

not want the participation of Brazil "that complicate the issue. "Ouseley says that a strong naval expedition could be fulfilled the objectives of the intervention: as regards Rosas and Argentina Confederation, isolated west of Paraná, could not resist what was done to the east of this river.
Guizot
summarizes the views as the end of debate.

would be used "only maritime means, unless like Brazil, using its ground forces, naval action would be strong enough allies to own the rivers, Eastern State in Mesopotamia and Paraguay, whose "independence be guaranteed.

These States would join with solid commercial ties and alliance with the auditors. Brazil withdraws

Abrantes reported that night to his government. He understood that very diplomatically does not want the Brazilian participation.

Aberdeen has not only demanded the renewal of treaties and alliances sided traffic as the previous esclavatura the alliance, but Brazil did not get any objective in the intervention.

Everything would be for trading nations, that would set the limits of the new States to the Empire (of course, to the detriment of the Empire), and alone would be the owners of the new republics. Brazil would be cut for all its classical expansion policy south.

addition, let the exclusivity of ground operations against Rosas was a way to obtain the withdrawal of the Empire, because Brazil does not only take such a responsibility. And terminating its mission pulls out of Paris. Intervention begins

Gore Ouseley, carrying the ultimatum before surgery, traveled to Buenos Aires. Demanded the withdrawal of Argentine troops besieging Montevideo, together with the eastern Oribe and the lifting of the Admiral Brown was in this port.

rejection was ruled by Rosas. Soon after came the Baron Deffaudis same purpose on behalf of France.
Rosas
While diplomats debate with the right of every nation, whatever their size or power to direct its foreign policy without foreign tutelage, were launched in Montevideo squads of England and France respectively commanded by admirals and Lainé Inglefield. Earrings

still talks in Buenos Aires, both admirals seized the Argentine buquecillos Brown blocking Montevideo, thrown into the water, the flag of Argentina and placed them atop the Garibaldi Corsair.

Given this fact, occurred on August 2, 1845 - Rosas shall report to the Legislature, which authorized him "to resist the intervention and save the integrity of the motherland. "Deffaudis Ouseley and received passports to leave Buenos Aires. The war had begun.

Bound (November 20) On 30 August the Allied fleet intimate surrender to Cologne, which is not being complied with crumbling by gunfire the next day. Garibaldi, with ships from Argentina, which now owns, is involved in this act and emphasized in the assault that followed.

September 5 admirals take over Martín García: Garibaldi, with their own hands, which were later engraved in bronze on a square in Buenos Aires, Argentina flag lowered.

From there the fleet is divided. The Anglo-French back Parana, while Garibaldi taken by Uruguay and its tributaries, the privateer seizes and plunders Gualeguaychú, Salto, Concordia and other defenseless points, returning to Montevideo with a huge booty of war. Meanwhile

Trehouart Hontham and sailing the Parana in demonstration of sovereignty, and to open communications with his army "assistant" that, under the command of General Paz, worked in Corrientes.

But on 20 November, around the next corner of Obligado, a heavy chain are supported by pontoons that blocked the river, while land batteries began the fire.

Mansilla is the general who orders of Roses has fortified the Vuelta de Obligado and will pay dearly for crossing to the controllers.

At the sight of foreign vessels has been singing the National Anthem and troops opened fire with shore batteries.

Trehouart Hontham and answer and rain down on the little garrison Argentina shells of the great European naval guns.

battle lasted seven hours, the most heroic of our history (from 10 am to 5 pm). Not expired, you could not win.

Just wanted to give the controllers a quiet lesson in courage Creole. He resisted as long as there lives and ammunition, but the overwhelming enemy superiority reached to cut the chain and put away combat the batteries. Bizarro

feat of arms, which in turn qualifies Inglefield, unfortunately accompanied by great loss of lives of our sailors and ships irreparable damage.

So many losses have been due "to the obstinacy of the enemy," says the brave admiral.

Has won? The squad, depleted and in poor condition, comes to Corrientes, and then try to return. The Quebracho

near San Lorenzo, Mansilla wait again with new batteries made by Rosas. Again a battle over a "victory"-the passage was forced, with huge losses.

From there solve Admirals enclosed in Montevideo, Parana travel is very dangerous and very costly.

Disposes independent the draft Mesopotamia managed by the controllers in the ALCAR treated because Urquiza no longer felt safe. Undo the action. Shortly after

-13 July 1846 - Samuel Thomas Hood, with full powers of England and France, has humbly before Rosas "the most honorable retirement possible joint action." Rosas would pay juicy price laurels.

So on November 20, the anniversary of the battle of obligations, for the Argentine Sovereignty Day.

Some apologists have denied Varela Peace complaint, not to refer the instructions Varela independence of Mesopotamia. But they had nothing to say these instructions from the government of Montevideo on a matter that was alien. Moreover, the allocation of Peace can not astonish those who know the politics of those years: the independence of Mesopotamia was a long cherished by those seeking purpose in larger portions fragmenting the former colony. I wanted to England and France in 1845, as Brazil did in 1851. They could not satisfy the first by the strong rejection of Rosas could not do the latter by the British opposition to create a republic in favor of Brazil. In its favor, as in 1845 and 1846 - was another matter. Urquiza was no stranger to dismember the two purposes of Argentina.

Returning with Varela. Despite the radical expression of the History of the Academy "The charge of dismembering the Mesopotamia made Varela, had no more need than to be wrong. If it does reformulated should be regarded as unfounded" VII, 2 sc., p.265), it is certain that Varela, Lane and most of the unit and still the same Urquiza wanted to dismember the Mesopotamia. Documentary evidence is unequivocal and decisive.

Actually, no matter what I said or intended Florencio Varela. The dismemberment of Mesopotamia had not unfortunately been the most deplorable of his sad mission. Who was instructed to provide permanent protection of England in the Plate, it matters little that he wanted his country administratively divided into two or fourteen servings.

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HISTORY OF "SOVEREIGNTY DAY" and the Constitutional ROSAS

By Federico Gastón Addisi


The term "Sovereignty Day" was coined by the eminent professor José María Rosa revisionist and stamped for the first time, making his public appearance on November 20, 1950 during the presidency of General Peron. While the Government was not Peron outspoken in favor of revisionism, it was still permissive to certain manifestations of this sign. So, according to José María Rosa, the government allowed to paste posters in favor of the Restorer of the Laws, which is not possible once was overthrown Peronism.
also the Battle of Bound was first officially commemorated on 20 November 1953, the governor of the province of Buenos Aires, Carlos Aloé who said in his speech: "This is the tribute that pays a General Perón the heroes who died for the defense of national sovereignty. "
In 1954 he created the "Popular Organization for the repatriation of the remains of General Rosas, "chaired by José María Rosa and Ernesto Palacio. Both of outstanding performance in the national Peronist movement. The first, was ambassador to Perón in his third term as President, first in Paraguay and later in Greece. As Ernesto Palacio was a legislator in the period 1946-52.
Upon request and suggestion of the historian José María Rosa and by Law No. 20,770, was established on 20 November as National Sovereignty Day, commemorating the Battle of Vuelta de Obligado.
The first celebration of the "official" Sovereignty Day was held on November 20, 1973, in the Province of Buenos Aires, Peron Bidegain as President and Governor. Until then approached the then Minister of Interior, Benito Llambí, and the mass rally said: "Forced and its message are not past, are also present and immediate future. The historical constants continue to operate in full force. New methods and more sophisticated methods have replaced the old methods of colonization. Balkanization and the purposes of submission, are effective in Latin America. Also have their integration and independence. Forced flags remain our flags. Are the flags that have returned to the government, with Lt. Gen. Juan Peron. He, from his high status driver of the Argentine people and champion of Third World nations, said synthetic objectivity with the task to tackle: the year 2000 will see a united Latin America or subject. This is our task. This is the task of Argentina. And the American work. This is the lifestyle that follows the battle of the Vuelta de Obligado. This is what is imposed by the scale of values, which we recognize as a legacy of a past that we are proud, and are the only ones to make sure the future, which our grandchildren can be proud. " 20769
law on the repatriation of the remains of Brigadier General Don Juan de Rosas had an original plan submitted by Senator Cornejo Linares. This was considered and approved by the Senate at the meeting of November 14, 1973, but has been altered in the House of Representatives, which approved it as amended. Senator Salta based its project saying: "(...) And this year, 1973 can not pass the Congress of the Nation pays homage simple way of remembering wing people who expressed their armed militias in the national army Argentina Confederation, argued, true to his vow of "till death do us part of the struggle, our national sovereignty on November 20, 1845, threatened by the Anglo-French backed by pirates that, like Garibaldi, mercenary base metal, ravaged the coasts of Rio de la Plata in an attempt to overthrow the Brigadier General Don Juan Manuel de Rosas, in charge of external relations of the Confederation and nobleman of the struggle for sovereignty (... ) "
" (...) Forced batteries echoed around the world showing that the Argentines, few or many, excluding items, they would not be overwhelm with impunity.
is not for nothing that the people with his natural intuition patriotic, long ago identified the major destinations of the country with the invocation of our four national leaders: San Martín, Rosas, Yrigoyen and Peron. "
"(...) A State is not satisfied with the declaration of independence and recognition by other States of the earth to be a nationality. What needs to be respected in full use of their rights inside and outside. Ie he needs to assert its sovereignty.
No such claim exists in our country's history that has more force and eloquence that of the heroic battle of the Vuelta de Obligado. Hence, with this bill declaring his birthday a national holiday, seek to extend this assertion of sovereignty over time, for example permanent new Argentine generations. "
Returning to the topic in the Senate, was approved at the meeting of 25-26 September 1974. The difference from the original draft, a revision that was treated, was that the latter is not declared on 20 November as National Sovereignty Day. This led to another bill, introduced by Rep. Gallo, who was treated and approved following the enactment of the Repatriation of Remains of the Restorer. Thus, at the meeting of 25-26 September 1974, legislation was passed:
- 20 769, which provided: Section 1: Dispónese the repatriation of the remains of the former governor of Buenos Aires and head of Foreign Affairs Argentina Confederation, Brigadier General Don Juan Manuel de Rosas. Art 2: hereby established a National Commission to arbitrate all necessary measures for immediate implementation of this law. Will chair this Commission on the Chief Executive, being, is entitled to determine their composition and functioning, and to organize and pay homage and honor for the positions held by Brigadier General Don Juan Manuel de Rosas. The Commission will seek to accomplish its mission on 20 November, the anniversary of the Vuelta de Obligado. 3: The expenses incurred in the enforcement of this Act, shall be charged to General Revenue. Section 4: Communicate, etc.
- 20,770, which provided: Sovereignty Day. Declaration on 20 November each year in commemoration of the Battle of Vuelta de Obligado, delivered on 20 November 1845. (Penalty: September 26, 1974, enacted: October 3, 1974, publication: BO 16/10/1974).
As demonstrated in this article, the desire to insert the "day of sovereignty" in the national calendar as holiday, dating back several years.
In line with this desire, the current government, through Decree No. 1584/2010 established on 20 November as a national holiday commemorating the "Day of Sovereignty." However, this breaks that will not be still, each year honoring Obligado's feat, but will be mobile. And first - bad - on Monday 22 November this year will be "holiday resort" ...



Bibliography:

- Quattocchi - Woisson, Diana, The evils of memory, Emecé, Bs, 1995 , pg. 314.
- Cornejo Linares, Juan Carlos, Roses and others About themes, Congreso de la Nación, Bs, As, 1975, pp. 19, 20, 21.
- Legislation Annals Argentina, T. XXXIV. D, 1974, pg. 3312.
- National Congress Sessions Journal, Senate Chamber, T. III, 1973, pg. 2277.
- Magazine Bases, Buenos Aires, 28/11/1973, p. 55.

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CONFERENCE TO MAINTAIN

SANTA TERESA. A conversation about: The Interior Castle.

by Fr Jean-Marie Laurie.

DD. Teresa specializes in spirituality.

Pic Of Veins On Boobs

By Alberto Gonzalez Arzac


Access Juan Manuel de Rosas in the Argentine political scene happened on a time when the "constitutionalism" made their presence felt after major world events occurred in the late eighteenth century, as were the American Constitution of 1787 and the Declaration on the Rights of Man and the 1789-1791 French citizen.

In our country, the Assembly of the Year XIII could not enact a constitution and had failed two attempts unitary constitution in 1819 and 1826. Interprovincial pacts that were happening since the Treaty of Pilar in 1820 opened new prospects for federal organizaci6n, attempted in 1827 by Manuel Dorrego as governor of Buenos Aires, Juan B. Bustos (Córdoba) and Estanislao López (Santa Fe), but failed in December 1828 after the mutiny of Gen. Juan Lavalle.

However, constitutional law and doctrine was somewhat later: in 1834, the French minister Francois Guizot created the Chair of that discipline at the University of Paris to teach the monarchical constitution of 1830, and, coincidentally in our University of Córdoba , Santiago Derqui created the Public Law to teach the Federal Pact of 1831 and the provincial constitutions in force in the country as well as universal principles of the subject.

Rosas as a political thinker

Much has been reported the belief that Juan Manuel de Rosas lacked constitutional and political figure. An example is the claim segreti 'Roses was not a political thinker, for habits say, was a landowner that the altered circumstances of the situation pushed him into politics to defend their interests. " There are few who have departed this error, misjudgment and building on historic past Argentina. Sánchez Viamonte

made this generalization: "The leader is the leader rudimentary form, as the people-crowd is the rudimentary form of political party. Difference of degree, but degree of culture, and culture is always quality."

many have criticized it from that angle the political and constitutional thought Rose did so almost by inertia, based on the premise that "antiretroviral" to link Rose with the "barbarism." Arturo

Sampay, one of the most eminent political thinkers who had the country-wrote a book where you can read: "Roses, with a strong vocation for politics, formed early their ideal, after anxious studies and profound reflections. In his youth, on government plans conceived, expressed in writing their ideal, not so much, surely, to disseminate it, but, as happens to men politically true vocation for himself clarified. Sampay was not "Rosas" but a scholar of political thought with critical criterion Roses, to the point of qualifying as "reactionary" ideas. The term "reactionary" was used by the author "with the exact meaning given to the term political science, namely the doctrine that advocates or the politician who seeks to restore decayed no principles of social behavior objectively valuable, but hierarchical forms of collective life raided by social progress. "

Personally I respectfully disagreed with the teacher Arturo Sampay at that point of view, understanding that these forms of collective life were then still in full force in our country.

But questions do not fit that has been the most erudite author Sampay dedicated to the analysis of the literature on the subject in the archives of Rosas and the works he frequented, both in their early years for his political and exile in Southampton. This was made from the young Rose studied Cicero, Edmund Burke, Jose Maria de Maistre, Thomas Paine. Gaspar de Réal Curb and others, to the ruler Roses in a note to his colleague, the Neapolitan scholar Pedro de Angelis, commissioned him a "relationship of works of public law, with an expression of the best and most needed," so I order them as they come, "or the old Rose visited in 1873 by Vicente and Ernesto Quesada in Southampton, to whom he explained his constitutional thinking.


After his book The political ideas of Juan Manuel de Rosas, Sampay to refer back to it, calling it "one of the most far-sighted statesmen of the last century reactionaries", in analyzing its policy through some key milestones in the constitutional history of Argentina, particularly the Confederation pact of January 4, 1831: "Roses succeeded, after several years of civil wars and negotiations, all provinces adhere to the Covenant, which it Argentina became the Constitution in force until it passed the Federal Charter of 1853. " Despite the critical analysis, summarized his view on Sampay Rosas, stating that "imposing the political unification of the provinces under the hegemony of the Province of Buenos Aires and this entailed an even partial progress of the nation, as was the political union States Germans under the Prussian feudal subordination imposed Bismark. "

now do not wish to argue with the opinions of the teacher, because I have done in his life in still miss long talks. But I note the place given to Rose by who was an authority on political science and constitutional law. For him, Rose was not a "barbaric" and a leader uneducated. He was a statesman, a political thinker and a distinguished leader, which he guided the Province of Buenos Aires and the country towards clearly defined objectives.


Confederation


The big break-up of the provinces that formed the Viceroyalty Rio de la Plata was an incontrovertible fact that when Rose took over political dominance. Since 1810 the province of Paraguay had imposed an autonomous attitude, then a treaty agreeing interprovincial October 12 d 1811. The provinces of Upper Peru had declared its independence on August 6, 1825, forming the Bolivian Republic after the Argentine Congress as consent by Act of May 9, 1825. The Eastern Province had been in constant dispute with English and Lusitanian until it was declared independent by the treaty of 1828 between Argentina and Brazil. The remaining provinces, while recognizing their identity Argentina, were not outside the process of disintegration, giving local institutions from regulation made for Missions in 1810. The national government in 1813 and 1814 created the provinces of Cuyo, Corrientes, Entre Rios, Salta and Tucumán. In 1815 declared their independence Cordoba and Santa Fe and between 1820 and 1821 did the same Mendoza, San Juan, San Luis, Santiago del Estero, Catamarca, Buenos Aires had even given their own institutions in 1820, dragged down by that process. La Nación Argentina was not a state but a patchwork of states linked by historical, cultural and economic problems that had faced together the war of emancipation.

For that, the unquestioned realism led him to admit Roses that was before a federally structured country.

One of the authors being asked by Rosas, Gaspar de Réal Curb, said: "The state is composed of a set of states are joined by a loop, so that seems to be a single body, but each state retains its sovereignty particular . These governments are often composed of two species. The first is when two or more sovereign states, without joining each other, get together and have one and the same King, but sovereignty is exercised separately by each of the powers. " "The second kind is when several states are linked by a general confederation and perpetual union to take the forces that have seemed necessary to their common security. Confederate States join together to perform certain functions of sovereign power, as the right to make war and peace, while trade agreements, the establishment of taxes, the creation of the tribunals, the right to legislate in general, life and death of its citizens, are reserved to the power of each individual state, although with some dependence on the Confederacy. " "In the Confederation each member disposes of part of sovereignty, is general and perpetual, and the Confederates kept each his government but under a common head." Gaspar de Réal

Curb (1682-1752) had written for the French monarchs, but the Science du Gouvernement, according Sampay, was "the main source of political thought literary Roses" to the point that "a note of Rosas to public library director (from April 25, 1846 ) a copy of which is preserved in the Archivo General de la Nación (National Government Division Ministry of Roses, 1846, a. 5 SX c 26 n. 4), we know that the book of Gaspar de Réal was only consulted in the past of their government. "

is clear that Rosas had to adapt these lessons to the Republican reality of our provinces. Otto Bismark could do after proclaiming the Empire with the King of Germany Prussia by the Emperor, but our political nature required to adjust the ideas to the Republic. There

examples in Europe and America. The cantons of the Swiss Confederation had been recognized as a sovereign state by the Treaty of Westphalia (1648) before becoming Federal Republic (1803). The United States, independent of England in 1776, were organized into Confederation until issued its Federal Constitution (1787).

Undoubtedly, the Confederation was the system of government at the time appropriate to ensure unity and ensure our provincial government and its external representation, overcoming anarchy and disintegration. And that Confederation was not orchestrated by a "constitution" itself, but through a "Covenant" that served as her own, where the contracting states agreed rules of peaceful coexistence, military unit, common external personality, but they reserved their own independence to review the agreed conditions and terminate the agreement if necessary.


Federal Pact of 1831


After the battle of Oncativo (25 February, 1830), armed with the victory of Jose Maria Paz on Facundo Quiroga, the League established a strong militarily organized interior provinces Federal coastline. They were the "unit" that after the failure of the constitutions of 1819 and 1826 adopted a federal methodology to organize the country. Quiroga

thought that "guarantees and likely to secure peace can only be offered in the U.S. Constitution, but Rosas said in a letter dated January 10, 1830:" IE General and his brave company have vowed not to lay out weapons in the hands until the country is formed according to the expression and free vote of the Republic. "

Rosas took power in the Province of Buenos with strong political support, coordinate their activities on the coast with Estanislao López and inside with Facundo Quiroga and Juan Felipe Ibarra, all federal leaders. Meanwhile Peace, strengthened after the triumph of Oncativo, affected in the northern provinces after a single organization, a goal that did not leave until being taken prisoner, and even persevered in it afterwards.

On January 4, 1831, Buenos Aires, Santa Fe and Entre Rios signed the "Covenant of the Argentina Confederation, known as Federal Pact. It was one of the "pre-existing agreements" that would invoke the Preamble to the Constitution of 1853 and adopted the name "Argentina Confederation, one of those mentioned in article 35 of the Constitution of 1860 as the official name.

Joaquín V. Gonzalez said that the federal agreement "contains the basis of a federal order ... that was the same, ratified by the governors of other provinces in 1852, served as a starting point for the final organization of the Nation."

The Confederation was the great work constitutional Rosas, who managed to get the pact signed between Buenos Aires, Santa Fe and Entre Ríos in 1831 was ratified a year later by the remaining ten Argentine provinces (Jujuy recently declared its independence in 1835), adhering in 1831 Mendoza, Corrientes, Córdoba, Santiago del Estero and La Rioja; and in 1832 Tucumán, San Juan, San Luis, Salta and Catamarca.

Although some have maintained the idea of \u200b\u200bnation, above all interprovincial pacts had been partial, inspired by the dispute between groups of provinces: the Treaty of Pilar (1820), those of Vinará and Tucumán (1821), the Quadrilateral ( 1822), San Miguel of the gaps (1822), of Hanacache (1827) and offensive and defensive alliance of 1827, promoted to resist unitary constitution of 1826. By

Federal Covenant, its criteria imposed Rosas globalization to begin the final organization of the country: "All that is not made in friendly treaty they hold good faith, the sincere desire of unity and an accurate knowledge of the general interests with discretion to the particular circumstances, will always be ephemeral, for good and no one suitable to multiply our problems, "he said in a letter to Estanislao López.

Federal Pact included a clause which provided for "invite all other provinces of the Republic when in full freedom and peace to join in federation with the three littoral, since by means of a General Congress to settle government Federate general of the country under the federal system, its internal and external trade, navigation, collection and distribution of general revenues and the debt of the Republic, referring to the best possible safety and general enlargement of the Republic, its internal and external credit and sovereignty, freedom and independence of each of the provinces. " Rosas

attached a copy of the Covenant in a letter to Quiroga's February 3, 1831, saying the document "instructs the political leadership of Buenos Aires and its allies," he said, "I feel that should not rush into thinking Congress . First is to know peace talks and strengthen the rest, wait for the calm and inspire mutual confidence before venturing the public tranquility. " He agreed

Rose as described in his letter to Lopez, which blamed the attitude of those who would rush to Congress while the provinces were at war, "Congress!, Congress! So when will take place between these delusions that we have managed to fill our heads some men who have not thought but enslave us! ". Correspondence to register again Quiroga Rosas opinion opposing the attempt to "organize, keep order without slow, progressive, keeping with the work of nature and merely for everything to the circumstances of time and the competition of other things influencers. "

Shortly before the murder of Facundo Quiroga, Rosas exposes their essential ideas about the national organization in his famous letter from the estate of Figueroa (San Antonio de Areco), the December 20, 1834, from a basic agreement: "No one ... more than you and I could be more convinced of the need for a National Constitution. " Quiroga took that letter with him when he was killed in Barranca Yaco. In the original of the letter were patches of "some illustrious victim's blood," "that's because when he was sent to kill our enemies, the General had with them," Rose would say later.

also in a letter to Lopez on 6 March 1836, Rosas spoke disparagingly of "a notebook with the name of Constitution", saying get a Congress that "some are from the notebook" and "some of flunk at all."

not mean that Rosas has been contrary to the enactment of the "written constitution." He said in the letter to Facundo Quiroga of December 20, 1834: "Let the peoples concerned of their individual constitutions." And that's how constitutions enacted during his influence many provinces: Corrientes (1838), Jujuy (1835, 1839), San Luis (1832), Santa Fe (1841), Santiago del Estero (1835). Current

Genaro was then ruled by Beron de Astrada, who consulted on constitutional reform Rosas amid provincial serious international problems that Argentina gravitated over the Confederacy in 1838. On April 24 Rosas replied, apologizing for not issued in-depth by the circumstances and stating that "this very reason we have not even been in it (Buenos Aires) also take care of our particular letter, with less bad is not having to make before the real opportunity, risking mistakes and misfortunes difficult to repair in the later. "

The truth is that by then the "constitutionalism" tax was not even around the world and much less in federal republics, because the U.S. model of 1787 had no imitators.

By 1836, General Santa Cruz tried to give life to the Peru-Bolivian Confederation, which lasted only three years. In Europe, only in 1848 a constitution would seal the old covenant of marriage between the Swiss cantons.

The French Revolution (1789) had issued a unitary model that only lasted until 1804, but defined the system failed our Constitutions of 1819 and 1826 as well as that of the other American nations: Chile, Peru, Uruguay, Paraguay. Most European nations were still under monarchical forms are unitary by definition. Argentina Confederation (1815) was a union of kingdoms that made an exception to the rule, creating an empire and being irrelevant in our nations. France itself was then again monarchy, the republic will be proclaimed for the second time in 1848.

In America, Brazil was ruled by Emperor Pedro I and Mexico (to a decade of Iturbide's monarchy) would still experience the Second Empire.

legal systems in North America and Argentina were dissimilar. So were their cultures, their histories, their traditions, their religions. Why should adopt Roses? If, as said years later, "in the U.S. made them all very much to be desired ...". And truth is that the Constitution did not preserve this nation to civil war would erupt later.

But neither dreamed of the federal Constitution U.S. politicians nor the military unit. It was not the panacea the American model of Literary Hall Marcos Sastre, or the Association of Esteban Echeverría Mayo, where they met bright young people who avidly read European authors and where John B. Alberdi reported Lerminier historicism. Rather it was the federal Dorrego, Manuel Moreno who had invoked the U.S. Constitution in the Congress of 1824-27.

In the early 30's, that generation attracted by the French unit was far from thinking as it would in 1853, when Joseph B. Gorostiaga requested approval of a draft constitution "cast in the mold of the United States Constitution, the only model of true federation that exists in the world." Because they had not yet convinced "the impossibility in fact to reduce bloodless and without violence to the provinces or their rulers spontaneous abandonment" of the "power of self- address, local sovereignty and freedom, "as it would reflect on their bases Alberdi 1852.

Rosas was not an opponent of the constitution" written "because it was not influenced by British cultural formation, a nation which still prevails prevails a Constitution "unwritten", based mainly on tradition and custom, but its collection also consists of some documents as the Magna Carta (1215), the Petition of Right (1629), The Bill of Rights (1689), the Act Establishment (1701). It was a solid keeper Rosas constitutional realism, as were other Argentine leaders, including East Gervasio Artigas, whose thinking on the subject was reflected in the instructions for 1813 (which is a history of our federalism).

Therefore, Guillermo Rawson would say years later that "Rose was a ruler of legal origin, and although there is no written constitution, there were a number of organic laws that formed a government, perhaps more perfect than that of many republics south American, although most of them had written constitutions. "

On May 17, 1832, Rose wrote to Estanislao López expressing their agreement with the confederal level achieved and its future steps to caution: "Federico with the coastal provinces and fix the country's administration by means of a General Congress Federated are two events may differ among themselves over a long period, without thereby losing its force any of the obligations contained in the Treaty of Jan. 4 to each and every one of the provinces that will accept it. "


1833 Constitution


Going back to December 1829, when Rose first took the government of the Province of Buenos Aires, it is good to note that already some of the thirteen provinces had enacted constitutions "written", it reveals that this process was in its infancy in our country life, even when had not yet been imposed on the world: Santa Fe (1819), Entre Ríos, Tucumán (1820), Córdoba, Salta (1821), etc., had already adopted constitutions.

Quiroga Rosas said: "V. and I prefer to take care of their peoples particular constitutions enacted so that after you go into work the foundation of the Constitution "because he considered that" a federal republic is the most chimerical and work than you can imagine, since not States composed of well-organized themselves. "

At that time the Province of Buenos Aires was governed by a regulation issued on June 6, 1820, during the brief government of Ildefonso Ramos Mexia, which established the powers and functions of provincial powers as a result of commitments made in the Treaty of Pilar. This regulation remained in effect during the first government of Rosas, but it was quite evident the need for a constitution to organize more effectively the provincial institutions.

In December 1832, the legislature appointed Governor General Juan Ramón Balcarce, while Rose was preparing his expedition to the south and continued to exert political influence no doubt.

"When I came to an end the period gubernatorial Rose began to speak insistently of Case (constitutional). Guido wrote on May 29, 1833, quite rightly, that the word constitution gained ground and made their way through it which claimed close to power. " Rep. Nicholas

Anchorena (cousin Rose and closely linked to it) motion in the Legislature by August 31 August 1833, the Committee on Constitutional Business draft a provincial constitution under the federal republican form. The draft was submitted only on 19 December that year by Mr Matthew Vidal, Diego Alcorta and Justo García Valdez. Rosas

learned of the initiative on the campaign Anchorena the desert, but obviously knew the idea before, it saved ordered to hold their relative motion, which was consistent with their wishes and issued a proclamation stating "the comforting hope of a prosperous letter to the federal system of the Republic" . "It is fast approaching the day we longed provincial Constitution and it is expected that all provinces under their penalized the same way." build the "foundations of the great National Federal Charter."

By then, Rose was elected provincial Lobos at the request of politicians who proposed the nomination without their consent. On 22 June he sent his resignation the Legislature, which was read on July 13, expressing that it would be "satisfactory play this new position of such honor, among other things of great price for the part that would fit on the sanction of the Constitution", but "great and laborious undertaking commissioned" rendering him incapable of performing. And in a letter to Pacheco said: "They shouted by the Constitution of the Province, they said I was opposed as despotic tyrant, but have been denied by the motion of my cousin Nicolas and what I say in my resignation."

Rosas Manuel Gálvez comment transcribed the motion "in order Day was read to the army on 25 June with the words to the author founded. "

The draft Constitution for the Province of Buenos Aires was presented during the government of General Juan José Viamonte. There was the delegation of authority provided by Congress, embodied popular sovereignty and separation of powers. The provincial legislature was bicameral and broad individual rights.

it responded to the expectations of Rosas, a concept the Province of Buenos Aires had "a serious sediment government personnel and orderly habits, and he hoped" little by little, to see that the other provinces do the same. "

Roses federal strategy addressed the particular rather than general, because in order to consolidate the Confederacy needed well organized provinces. The strategy unit, however, was drawn from the general to the particular subject because for provincial autonomy was essential to organize a central authority.

Roses That idea was clearly unrealistic, based on "elements of power," as he called in a letter to Facundo Quiroga: "If within individual states are not able to maintain elements of the respective order, does not serve rather than to put in turmoil throughout the republic, each disorder partial happen. And make the fire of any State not spread over all others. "

Although the Constitution proposed in 1833 was never sanctioned, public opinion Roses were not contrary to its approval, but definitely favorable.


The plebiscite


After the assassination of Barranca Yaco Facundo Quiroga (16 February, 1835), the Legislature of Buenos Aires that Rosas tried again assume the governorship of the province invested with the "sum of public power ".

Rosas said: "The undersigned begs to gentlemen, that to discuss on admission or resignation of high office and the extraordinary trust that have been designated to honor, please consider to room full delicate business, and agree on the means they consider most adaptable to every single citizen of this city, of every kind and condition as they are, express their needs and categorically vote on the matter, leaving it recorded so that at all times and circumstances may include the free delivery of the general opinion. "

words, was proposing a "referendum" that the Legislature agreed to do, noting the 26, 27 and March 28 for citizens went to vote. "From the records were elevated to the Legislature, it appeared that about 9,520 citizens (who composed the maximum of the voters in Buenos Aires) who voted, only citizens Jacinto Peña Rodríguez, Juan José Bosch, Juan B. Escobar, general Gervasio Espinosa, Colonel Antonio Aguirre, Dean Zavaleta, Castellone Pedro and Ramon Romero spoke out against the aforesaid Act. "

It was called "referendum" because as in plebiscites in Rome, voted the mob "of any kind and condition to be", as proposed by Rosas. With the particularity and breadth, was a referendum on the legislative decision.

Constitutionalism of the late eighteenth century had adopted the institution, where the principle of sovereignty of the people accepted a straightforward manner. France put to a referendum the constitutions of 1793 and 1795. Switzerland did the same in 1802. In the United States the state of Massachusetts had adopted in 1780 and then continued to New Hampshire and other states, except Delaware. The State of New York in 1822 had adopted the Constitution by this method.

Rosas joined the institution to the Argentine constitutional system to address a crucial moment in Argentina's history and ensure extraordinary powers granted accordingly. Because

the concept of Rosas, the sovereignty of the people was above the usual precepts of representative government: "I am what I am federal and the more so as I am convinced that the Federation is the form of government according to democratic principles" said in 1831 Rosas, Facundo Quiroga, noting that "even so, being intimate federal conviction, be subordinated to my unit if the people would vote for unity."

Perhaps this is why, Enrique M. Barba was to express: "A Rose may discutírsele anything but his strong consistency, hence not give a damn to be unitary or federal, was more that was Rosas. "

My friend and neighbor platense Barba was another Argentine historians complacent about the "theoretical background" Rose, what is often argued with him. Despite being an erudite scholar of the time of Rosas, simplified the issue so he came to a conclusion: "As good Buenos Aires, Buenos Aires or better ... (Rosas) could not accept a Constitution which, among other things, create powers beyond those of Buenos Aires, which federalized the city and nationalize the Customs. So opposed to the Constitution and refused to rule if it was with extraordinary powers first, and the amount of power public later, he attributed magical virtues. "

Strictly speaking, Rosas considered necessary for the passage from the Covenant of Confederation to the federal Constitution was secured by conditions that reality did not meet then Argentina, which is why the letter of 17 May 1832 said to Estanislao López "They must be convinced that if Congress does not reign in the Federal a feeling of brotherhood, peace and balance, will meet in the shadow of a higher authority, passions more or less exaggerated, but will never be stable and lasting organization with these springs give the republic. Federal Constitution would, Head had national organic laws would have, but everything would fall apart soon, as the federation broke up in Mexico and Guatemala. "

And obviously, when in 1853 the interior provinces of Argentina were given a Constitution without achieving those requirements, the division promoted by the Province of Buenos Aires, giving rise to a decade of conflict that should be dealt with in the fields of Mars.

Roses and warned that in his letter to Felipe Ibarra of December 16, 1832, considering "the mistaken idea that a charter would face the turbulent passions of innovators. In disputes festering political parties, highest code is nothing more than an argument that everyone does his duty in serving their interests. " "The provinces have not organized their representative system and strengthened his internal administration, until they have fulfilled the moderádose internal unrest and political passions that the last war is on, and while social relations and trade under the auspices of the country does not indicate the main points of interest which should occupy our attention, I think it would deal a fatal Federative Congress. "


Exile in Southampton


After two decades, on 3 February 1852, after the military defeat at the Battle of Caseros, Rosas started on the road of exile, it would take in Southampton (England) until the end of his days. From there he observed the Argentine historical process, built on the recognition of his great work: May 31, 1852 in San Nicolas de los Arroyos provincial governors ratified the Federal Pact of 1831 and argued that "being at present all provinces the Republic in full freedom and peace "are calling for a Constitutional Convention. The San Nicolas said: "As a fundamental law of the Republic to the Treaty concluded on January 4, 1831, between provinces of Buenos Aires, Santa Fe and Entre Rios for having acceded to all the other provinces of the Confederation, be religiously observed in all its clauses. " Overlooking the anecdotal, this resulted in the enactment of the 1853 Constitution. Then came the secession between Buenos Aires and the Confederation, the battle of Cepeda, the constitutional reform of 1860, the Battle of Pavón, the chairs of Mitre, Sarmiento and Avellaneda, and Rose's death in 1877.

While all this was happening in Argentina, also in Europe constitutionalism evolved. When Rosas ruled

still in full force, the rapidly mutating world. 1848 had been a year of social revolution but also of constitutional innovation: the Second Republic in France and the Swiss federation. Fearful of the uprisings in Berlin, the Germanic Assembly had moved to Brandenburg, where the social tranquility guaranteed political peace. Five years later, defeated Rosas, General Urquiza in Buenos Aires harassed, would also seek refuge in the quiet provincial of Paraná, as well as the Constitutional Congress met her in the warm Santa Fe
visited
A Rosas Juan B . Alberdi, accused of being the father of the Constitution of 1853, who had served as ambassador to the European courts. Rose stressed to him the view that the provinces "must be linked only by treaties and conventions."

And Alberdi said: "General Rose is wrong in their doctrines," "can not govern in America today without a constitution." But the truth is that the Constitution of 1853 had divided the Argentina.

Alberdi is that still believed in the magic of the constitution "written", which Rosas pejoratively called "notebook" in 1836, and Ferdinand Lassalle called "strip of paper" to contrast it with the constitution "real", formed by the sum of factors real and effective governing society.

is possible, on time, both as Alberdi Roses have had access to broadcast lectures in Berlin in April 1862 written by the German speaker. At least that seemed to denounce the posthumous writings of Alberdi, when he said that our republic "is not a fact is a myth, a hallucination of names and words." Rose O concepts, when in 1873 Quesada told to make a constitution "was my ambition, but I spent my life and my energy without being able to perform," "because a Constitution should not be the product of a book dreamer but an accurate reflection a situation country. " "Whenever the charade is repugnant to the laws pompous in the role that could not be implemented." Lasalle

had taken his concept paper strip of a message to Frederick William IV, who opposed the adoption of a written constitution, saying he would never allow that between God and the King "to slide a written page." Rosas had taken his concept of the term gaucho Facundo Quiroga, who simply called "notebook." Strange coincidence between a Prussian monarch and a provincial leader to refer to the "written constitution."

If I had even Sarmiento amazed that the "barbarism" might be expressed as similar to "civilization." It happens that the Manichean interpretation Sarmiento distorted our reality, but neither were adjusted to other interpretations which she commended Rosas. Arturo

Jauretche, one of my favorite authors, highlighted in Rosas their struggle for nationhood, but wary of presenting it as "the forerunner of the Constitution", saying that a Rose "meditating future constitution" would be so devised as a "read Artigas Articles of Confederation U.S. and Lopez fought for federalism to Philadelphia. "

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