By Enrique Manson
The 1978 civil-military dictatorship who had been baptized National Reorganization Process was in his prime.
The guerrillas were liquidated. Combatant capacity actually no longer existed in March 1976, but by mid-'78 hunting dissidents had successfully passed the test, and the dungeons were full of disappeared.
June 25, a jubilant Videla was delivered in a packed stadium of River, the crown of world champions Daniel Passarella. As I said Massera, the victory showed that Argentina was to great achievements.
economic management of Martinez de Hoz seemed to work in full swing, leaving the "decadent intervention state ", according to the super minister, had slowed to Argentina for decades. Politicians demonstrating progress in accordance with management. They had said at the first anniversary of the abduction helicopter transport of Isabel Peron, men like the radical leader who proposed "a solution to the Portuguese, with a prime minister." A former minister said that the Peronist Peronist were optimistic "ma non tropo," about a political solution. Such statements were published in the newspaper La Opinion by pen Fanor Diaz, in an article entitled The silence of politicians. "The other politicians consulted," Diaz says, "beyond the partial and secondary criticism, they were matched in supporting the military government, especially as he did the dirty war."
The union had been crushed, although some unions produced isolated actions, as downtime Light and Power 1976-which cost the loss of Oscar Smith, and those in auto companies. But it would have to wait until April next year to attend a general strike.
Only a handful of women, the Buenos Aires Herald newspaper called The Mad Women, Saturday, April 30, 1977 at half past three in the afternoon, had gathered in the square May to begin their rounds in complaining about their missing children.
In this scenario, 27 July, released a book in which journalist Paul Joseph Hernandez recounted his conversations with a historian of nationalism that seemed to have dictators interested. It was José María Rosa.
memoir was a long form report. But between family events, the origins of nationalism and historical revisionism in the '30s, and political and diplomatic adventures of the protagonist at times seemingly distant, filtered innocent comments on recent Greek politics, in his capacity as ambassador Argentina had been observed.
With meticulous interest, Rosa-impartial observer, described the end of the dictatorship of the colonels, and especially, the trial of those who underwent military coup to re-establish constitutional rule.
"Shortly before the election ... against the military environment was complete, ordered the arrest of the revolutionaries of 1967, defendants' high treason for overthrowing the constitutional authorities." I think it was a unique process in history, appeared before the Athens Court of Cassation, the highest Greek court ... accused of having a successful revolutionary ... revolution in Greece laid a favorable case law that found resonance in Europe .... Papadoupoulus were arrested and the board of colonels without knowing why. It believed in a political maneuver by (Prime Minister) Caramanlis because the prestige of the military was very low, and opponents ... took over the government's leniency with tyrants. The applause of the people was total, and Karamanlis won the election by a margin that was not expected, 54% of the votes ... He soon learned that the Supreme Court of Athens ... the judge on the complaint of an individual-not government, which accused them nothing less than "treason." In a first hearing ... The defendant's lawyer said "that the constitution requires a soldier to defend the homeland and the constituted authorities and had not done was a betrayal of the homeland itself '... things were getting serious. Twenty chiefs who agreed to have given orders that mobilized the troops ... were arrested by the investigating judge ... While those summary ..., parliament voted unanimously ... a law establishing the crime of 'treason' is imprescriptible ... to open up before the Supreme Court, with a clatter of photographs, radio, television, foreign journalists, the process to twenty colonels. No accused them of rebellion but of treason. The prosecutor's indictment (which the translation I have one I thought was a brilliant piece) made a distinction between the crime committed by a civilian rebellion when up against the government, and the betrayal of a military group using the training, organization and weapons given the country to fight the enemy or defend the domestic, military stand against the constituted authorities. Not act as citizens, he said, but as soldiers in a field outside his profession. Never mind the good intentions that have moved, its action was a betrayal and called for them the death penalty ... Papadoupoulus read a defense based on the 'need to save the country from disorder, corruption and communism "said" be at peace with their conscience "and ended by appealing" to the court of history "
... the court's decision was immediate: 'Death penalty for the crime of treason. " Immediately an usher brought a note from the government: in view of the good faith of the defendants who did not know that his act constituted treason, were commuted the death penalty by life imprisonment ...".
At that time, I was part of a group of history teachers who collaborated with the Master in another publication, and Rosa told us in his study what he was dictating to Hernandez to the book. He did it with a relish that match what you ever said his friend Arturo Jauretche: "You talk of the bitterness of contemporary history."
It was not talking about history. On one occasion, Paul was interviewed by the announcer Antonio Carrizo. A coffee hour, he asked: "Che" When you asked about the Greek military, were talking about Argentina? ".
Pepe Rosa is that, in the words of his fellow exile Miguel Unamuno, "came not bullets." Do you have gone jackals if they had been able to understand the hidden message? We are not interested in writing about what would have happened if it had happened did not happen. The truth is that the man who had once believed in Uriburu by antiyrigoyenismo confessed that he had supported the movement on June 4 for believing that this was the way to assert national sovereignty in the 40s, for some time that was lined with people. And just as he had risked his life to Valle against fusiladotes 1956, was getting in the line of fire, when political leaders acted with understandable caution, because the penalties were terrible.
His wishful thinking, that it was what he felt when he spoke "with bitterness of contemporary" as saying Greece Jauretche-not to mention "Argentina" as represented Carrizo-it was not his last game with the most savage tyrants who endured our history.
line in the journal in November 1981, called them idiots, but putting the words into the mouth of King Alfonso the Wise, and branded as subversive and corrupt, which earned him a lawsuit for slander, which began Videla, Massera and Agosti. That trial has Arzac Alberto Gonzalez: "We went to the audience as he goes to war, we left the line ... with a group of boys accompanied ... Don Pepe. In the corridors awaiting the girl was kind of him to the courtroom and I were entering Pepe, who was his lawyer in a trial judge that in all the walls had pictures of him hobnobbing with admirals, generals and brigadier generals. The parties were represented by brigadier general and admirals, all auditors who pointed the finger at Don Pepe. And what was the reaction of Don Pepe? ... Did not lose his humor and said, 'The Military Party government' ... and when I called the attention saying, 'Well, excuse me Your Honor' ...
I ran cold at the back and not budge ... People still disappear ... the operations were succeeded everywhere and Don Pepe, with this pair of balls I had, thus demonstrating there! "
The 1978 civil-military dictatorship who had been baptized National Reorganization Process was in his prime.
The guerrillas were liquidated. Combatant capacity actually no longer existed in March 1976, but by mid-'78 hunting dissidents had successfully passed the test, and the dungeons were full of disappeared.
June 25, a jubilant Videla was delivered in a packed stadium of River, the crown of world champions Daniel Passarella. As I said Massera, the victory showed that Argentina was to great achievements.
economic management of Martinez de Hoz seemed to work in full swing, leaving the "decadent intervention state ", according to the super minister, had slowed to Argentina for decades. Politicians demonstrating progress in accordance with management. They had said at the first anniversary of the abduction helicopter transport of Isabel Peron, men like the radical leader who proposed "a solution to the Portuguese, with a prime minister." A former minister said that the Peronist Peronist were optimistic "ma non tropo," about a political solution. Such statements were published in the newspaper La Opinion by pen Fanor Diaz, in an article entitled The silence of politicians. "The other politicians consulted," Diaz says, "beyond the partial and secondary criticism, they were matched in supporting the military government, especially as he did the dirty war."
The union had been crushed, although some unions produced isolated actions, as downtime Light and Power 1976-which cost the loss of Oscar Smith, and those in auto companies. But it would have to wait until April next year to attend a general strike.
Only a handful of women, the Buenos Aires Herald newspaper called The Mad Women, Saturday, April 30, 1977 at half past three in the afternoon, had gathered in the square May to begin their rounds in complaining about their missing children.
In this scenario, 27 July, released a book in which journalist Paul Joseph Hernandez recounted his conversations with a historian of nationalism that seemed to have dictators interested. It was José María Rosa.
memoir was a long form report. But between family events, the origins of nationalism and historical revisionism in the '30s, and political and diplomatic adventures of the protagonist at times seemingly distant, filtered innocent comments on recent Greek politics, in his capacity as ambassador Argentina had been observed.
With meticulous interest, Rosa-impartial observer, described the end of the dictatorship of the colonels, and especially, the trial of those who underwent military coup to re-establish constitutional rule.
"Shortly before the election ... against the military environment was complete, ordered the arrest of the revolutionaries of 1967, defendants' high treason for overthrowing the constitutional authorities." I think it was a unique process in history, appeared before the Athens Court of Cassation, the highest Greek court ... accused of having a successful revolutionary ... revolution in Greece laid a favorable case law that found resonance in Europe .... Papadoupoulus were arrested and the board of colonels without knowing why. It believed in a political maneuver by (Prime Minister) Caramanlis because the prestige of the military was very low, and opponents ... took over the government's leniency with tyrants. The applause of the people was total, and Karamanlis won the election by a margin that was not expected, 54% of the votes ... He soon learned that the Supreme Court of Athens ... the judge on the complaint of an individual-not government, which accused them nothing less than "treason." In a first hearing ... The defendant's lawyer said "that the constitution requires a soldier to defend the homeland and the constituted authorities and had not done was a betrayal of the homeland itself '... things were getting serious. Twenty chiefs who agreed to have given orders that mobilized the troops ... were arrested by the investigating judge ... While those summary ..., parliament voted unanimously ... a law establishing the crime of 'treason' is imprescriptible ... to open up before the Supreme Court, with a clatter of photographs, radio, television, foreign journalists, the process to twenty colonels. No accused them of rebellion but of treason. The prosecutor's indictment (which the translation I have one I thought was a brilliant piece) made a distinction between the crime committed by a civilian rebellion when up against the government, and the betrayal of a military group using the training, organization and weapons given the country to fight the enemy or defend the domestic, military stand against the constituted authorities. Not act as citizens, he said, but as soldiers in a field outside his profession. Never mind the good intentions that have moved, its action was a betrayal and called for them the death penalty ... Papadoupoulus read a defense based on the 'need to save the country from disorder, corruption and communism "said" be at peace with their conscience "and ended by appealing" to the court of history "
... the court's decision was immediate: 'Death penalty for the crime of treason. " Immediately an usher brought a note from the government: in view of the good faith of the defendants who did not know that his act constituted treason, were commuted the death penalty by life imprisonment ...".
At that time, I was part of a group of history teachers who collaborated with the Master in another publication, and Rosa told us in his study what he was dictating to Hernandez to the book. He did it with a relish that match what you ever said his friend Arturo Jauretche: "You talk of the bitterness of contemporary history."
It was not talking about history. On one occasion, Paul was interviewed by the announcer Antonio Carrizo. A coffee hour, he asked: "Che" When you asked about the Greek military, were talking about Argentina? ".
Pepe Rosa is that, in the words of his fellow exile Miguel Unamuno, "came not bullets." Do you have gone jackals if they had been able to understand the hidden message? We are not interested in writing about what would have happened if it had happened did not happen. The truth is that the man who had once believed in Uriburu by antiyrigoyenismo confessed that he had supported the movement on June 4 for believing that this was the way to assert national sovereignty in the 40s, for some time that was lined with people. And just as he had risked his life to Valle against fusiladotes 1956, was getting in the line of fire, when political leaders acted with understandable caution, because the penalties were terrible.
His wishful thinking, that it was what he felt when he spoke "with bitterness of contemporary" as saying Greece Jauretche-not to mention "Argentina" as represented Carrizo-it was not his last game with the most savage tyrants who endured our history.
line in the journal in November 1981, called them idiots, but putting the words into the mouth of King Alfonso the Wise, and branded as subversive and corrupt, which earned him a lawsuit for slander, which began Videla, Massera and Agosti. That trial has Arzac Alberto Gonzalez: "We went to the audience as he goes to war, we left the line ... with a group of boys accompanied ... Don Pepe. In the corridors awaiting the girl was kind of him to the courtroom and I were entering Pepe, who was his lawyer in a trial judge that in all the walls had pictures of him hobnobbing with admirals, generals and brigadier generals. The parties were represented by brigadier general and admirals, all auditors who pointed the finger at Don Pepe. And what was the reaction of Don Pepe? ... Did not lose his humor and said, 'The Military Party government' ... and when I called the attention saying, 'Well, excuse me Your Honor' ...
I ran cold at the back and not budge ... People still disappear ... the operations were succeeded everywhere and Don Pepe, with this pair of balls I had, thus demonstrating there! "
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